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Rivals: How the Power Struggle Between China, India and Japan Will Shape OurNext Decade

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Overview

The former editor in chief of the Economist returns to the territory of his bestselling book The Sun Also Sets to lay out a fresh analysis of the growing rivalry between China, India, and Japan -- what it will mean for America, the global economy, and the twenty-first-century world.

Closely intertwined by their fierce competition for influence, markets, resources, and strategic advantage, China, India, and Japan are shaping the world to come. Emmott explores the ways in which their sometimes bitter rivalry will play out over the next decade -- in business, global politics, military competition, and the environment -- and reveals the efforts of the United States to turn the situation to its advantage as these three powerful nations vie for dominance. This revised and updated edition of Rivals is an indispensable guide for anyone wishing to understand Asia's swiftly changing political and economic scene.

Editorial Reviews

Over the past 20 years, some of the most striking economic growth in history has been taking place in Asia, and former Economist editor-in-chief Emmott (The Sun Also Sets) combines solid economic and political analysis with entertaining personal accounts to discuss three countries in the center of the phenomenon. Emmott paints richly detailed portraits of China, India and Japan, examining the global implications of their growing rivalry while remaining attentive to issues that extend beyond the region, such as the environment and nuclear weapons proliferation. Several of his conclusions are familiar: China's rapid economic growth is coming into conflict with its political authoritarianism; there is vast potential for India's growth if public policy can properly encourage it; Japan's aging and shrinking population could lead the country into further economic decline. The true strength of the book lies in Emmott's ability to guide the reader through the intricate--often fraught--relationships between these countries without losing focus. Particularly welcome is his ability to discuss potential trouble spots in the region without degenerating into alarmism. This serious and stimulating book will be indispensable to anyone interested in where these countries are headed--and where they might take us. (May)
Copyright (c) Reed Business Information, a division of Reed Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Author Information

Bio of Bill Emmott

BILL EMMOTT is a writer, speaker and consultant on global affairs, with an expertise in Asia. Until 2006 he was editor in chief of The Economist, where his thirteen-year tenure was marked by many awards. He is the author of six previous books and writes regularly for several international publications. He lives in London and Somerset.

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Additional Info

Imprint

Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Trade & Reference Publishers

Filesize

4.24 MB

Number of Pages

320

eBook ISBN

9780151015030

Awards

  • Lionel Gelber Prize

Excerpt from: Rivals by Bill Emmott

1. Asias New Power Game few of his contemporaries think of George Walker Bush as a visionary American president unless they are using the term to imply a touch of madness. Such is the legacy of his misadventure in Iraq, of the continued instability in Afghanistan, of the worldwide decline in the reputation of the United States during his administration, that many would rank him as having been the worst American president since Richard Nixon (196974), or Herbert Hoover (192933), or even, for his harshest critics, since the founding of the republic. It has not been for want of ambition. In the two years following the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, President Bush appeared to form the grandest of grand foreign-policy strategies, seeking nothing less than a transformation of the Middle East and Central Asia, the regions from which the terrorism seemed to have originated, with democracy or at least accountability replacing dictatorship. John Lewis Gaddis, a Yale professor of grand strategy and the doyen of cold-war historians, described this as "the most fundamental reassessment of American grand strategy in half a century."1 And so it was. But it collapsed in ruins. Whoever is elected as Americas next president, in November 2008, is likely either to reject the Bush strategy altogether or to distance themselves from it by several hundred miles.Except in one respect. That respect represents one of the few points of continuity between the Bush administrations first few months in office, when a rising China had been considered Americas principal foreign-policy concern, and the post-September 11 world. In September 2002 the Bush administration stated that one of its aims would be to "extend the peace by encouraging free and open societies on every continent."2 Early in his second term, George Bush sought to do just that, in the most rapidly changing continent of all, the one that is home to half the worlds population and to its fastest-developing economies: Asia. He did it by launching a bold initiative to try to establish closer American ties with the worlds biggest democracy, India.That act may eventually be judged by historians as a move of great strategic importance and imagination. It recognized that while al-Qaeda and its sort pose the biggest short- and, perhaps, medium-term challenge to America, in the long term it is the expected shift in the worlds economic and political balance toward Asia that does promise, as the Bush team originally thought, to have the greatest significance. It was the culmination of a process that was begun by his then-new secretary of state, Condoleezza Rice, on a visit to Delhi in March 2005, and was sealed by President Bush himself during his own visit to India exactly a year later. With India's professorial prime minister, Manmohan Singh, President Bush signed a deal to cast aside forty years of hostility and suspicion between the two countries, ending almost a decade of tension over Indias 1998 nuclear-weapons te